
(Credit: Photo by Vanessa Loring from Pexels)
In a Nutshell
- Teens who used screens heavily reported more depression and anxiety symptoms, but much of that link disappeared when researchers compared twin siblings raised in the same family.
- Heavy interactive screen use at age 15, meaning more than six hours a day of gaming, chatting or browsing, was tied to a much higher chance of being diagnosed with depression or anxiety years later, though this risk also shrank after accounting for shared family and genetic factors.
- Watching TV showed little to no connection to later mental health problems, while interactive activities like gaming and chatting showed the strongest ties to symptoms.
Teenagers who spent more than six hours on a weekday gaming, chatting or browsing at age 15 went on to be diagnosed with depression or anxiety at more than three times the rate of lighter users, according to one of the largest studies ever done on screens and youth mental health. That number alone would confirm every parent’s worst fear about screens. But the researchers had a way to test whether screens were actually to blame.
Researchers followed nearly 22,000 Swedish twins from age 9 into their mid-20s, tracking screen habits alongside mental health symptoms and, later, actual clinical diagnoses. Because twins share either all or half their genes and grew up in the same household, comparing one twin against the other lets researchers set aside the influence of genetics and family environment, something ordinary surveys can’t do. That design, reported in the journal Nature Human Behaviour, sets the work apart from the screen time studies parents usually hear about.
Once they made that comparison, the picture changed. Much of the apparent danger faded: comparing one twin to another sharply shrank the link, suggesting that genes and shared family life help explain what looks like a screen time crisis, rather than screens alone.
Why Twins Make Screen Time Research More Reliable
Health agencies in several countries have told parents to limit kids’ recreational screen time, largely based on studies that simply compare screen-heavy kids to screen-light kids. Those comparisons, though, can’t rule out other explanations. Kids who spend more time online might also come from households with different parenting styles, different stress levels, or an inherited tendency toward anxiety that has nothing to do with the device itself.
To get around this, the research team used data from the Child and Adolescent Twin Study in Sweden, a long-running project that surveyed twins at ages 9, 15, 18 and 24. Parents reported on their 9-year-olds’ screen habits, and the twins themselves reported their own habits starting at 15. Surveys asked about time spent watching TV and videos, which the study called “passive” screen use, as well as time spent gaming, chatting, blogging and browsing the internet, called “interactive” screen use. Those survey answers were later linked to Swedish national health records, so the team could see who eventually received an actual diagnosis of depression or anxiety, or was prescribed antidepressants.
Twins offer a kind of natural experiment that regular surveys can’t match. Identical twins share all their genes and were raised in the same home at the same time, so if one twin uses screens heavily and the other doesn’t, comparing their mental health lets scientists strip away almost all the influence of genetics and shared upbringing. Fraternal twins share only about half their genes but still grew up together, so comparing them controls for shared environment while leaving some genetic differences in play.
By comparing results across the full group of twins against results within these matched pairs, researchers could see how much of a link held up once genetics and family background were taken into account. If a link vanished among identical twins but held up among fraternal twins, that would point to genetics as an important part of the story, since identical twins share all their genes and fraternal twins only half. If it faded in both groups, shared family life would be the more likely driver. If something remained even after both comparisons, that leftover signal would be harder to explain away and would hint at a possible direct effect of screens themselves.
What the Screen Time Numbers Actually Showed
At ages 15 and 18, symptom scores rose steadily as screen time increased, and the effect was much stronger in girls than in boys. Girls who were heavy users of interactive screens scored much higher on depression and anxiety measures than girls with restricted use, a gap roughly twice as large as the one seen in boys.
Once the researchers narrowed in on twin pairs where one sibling used screens heavily and the other didn’t, those numbers dropped. At age 15, links held up somewhat in fraternal twins but were sharply reduced in identical twins, in some cases by well over half. A similar pattern played out at age 18. Health records told a related story: teens who were heavy weekday users of interactive screens at 15 were diagnosed with depression or anxiety at more than three times the rate of restricted users through their late 20s. Within twin pairs, that estimate dropped by more than half and became too unreliable to count on once the researchers adjusted for how many comparisons they’d run, though it remained elevated.
By contrast, watching TV showed little connection to these outcomes at any point. Daily gaming at age 9, reported by parents, was linked to a slightly higher risk of later diagnosis, but that link also didn’t hold up within twin pairs.
One finding doesn’t fit a one-way story: teens with more depression and anxiety symptoms at 15 went on to use more interactive screens at 18. The effect was small, but it points to a two-way relationship rather than screens simply causing distress. Struggling teens may turn to screens, and heavy screen use may, in some cases, deepen distress, making it hard to untangle cause from effect using survey data alone.
Researchers also checked whether other measurable factors, like physical activity and being bullied, explained the patterns. Adjusting for those barely changed the results, so those two factors alone weren’t behind the drop seen in twin comparisons.
A More Honest Picture Than the Headlines Usually Allow
None of this means parents should toss out every screen time rule. The study’s own authors point out that heavy interactive screen use at 15 was tied to real, diagnosed depression and anxiety years down the road, a risk large enough to matter regardless of what’s driving it. But the sharp drop in that risk once genetics and shared family background were accounted for is a clear sign that blaming screens alone for the teen mental health crisis misses a messier reality involving genes, family life and the kids who were already struggling before they ever picked up a device.
Disclaimer: This article describes an observational twin study. Its co-twin comparisons can account for shared genes and family environment, which ordinary surveys cannot, but the design still shows associations rather than proof that screen use directly causes depression or anxiety.
Paper Notes
Limitations
Several limits shape how far the authors can stretch these findings. Data collection began in 2004, before smartphones and social media were widespread, so the study could not capture how today’s always-on phone and social media habits might change these patterns. Researchers measured screen use in broad categories, like total hours gaming or watching TV, which doesn’t capture what teens were actually doing on their screens or why, and the “passive” versus “interactive” labels don’t perfectly separate real-world behavior. Self-reported screen use likely underestimates actual time spent, especially on smartphones. Participation thinned at later ages: about 73% of the original twins completed the age-15 survey, 60% the age-18 survey, and just 27% the age-24 survey, raising the chance that the teens who dropped out differed from those who stayed in ways that could skew the results. The number of twin pairs where one sibling used screens heavily and the other didn’t also shrank at later ages and for diagnosed outcomes, limiting how confident the researchers could be in the most rigorous comparisons. The authors also note that, while the drop in links within twin pairs fits genetic and family explanations, the study cannot fully rule out a direct effect of screen use given these limits.
Funding and Disclosures
Funding came from the Marianne and Marcus Wallenberg Foundation, Hjärnfonden, the Marcus and Amalia Wallenberg Foundation, the Swedish Research Council, the Swedish Research Council for Health, Life and Welfare (FORTE), Stiftelsen Söderström-Königska sjukhemmet, and Karolinska Institutet Research Foundation Grants. The funders had no role in designing the study, collecting or analyzing data, or deciding to publish. One author, Henrik Larsson, reported receiving grants from TAKEDA and Shire Pharmaceuticals, personal fees for speaking from Medice, Shire/Takeda Pharmaceuticals and Evolan Pharma AB, and advisory board roles with TAKEDA and Neuraxpharm Sweden AB, all outside this study; he also serves as editor-in-chief of JCPP Advances. The other authors declared no competing interests.
Publication Details
Paper Title: “Recreational screen use and internalizing problems from preadolescence to young adulthood in a longitudinal twin cohort with co-twin comparison”
Authors: Tong Gong, Emma Frans, Anna Ohlis, Shuyang Yao, Ruyue Zhang, Anders Nilsson, Yasmina Molero, Miriam A. Mosing, Isabell Brikell, Henrik Larsson, Paul Lichtenstein, Lisa B. Thorell, Patrik KE Magnusson, Ralf Kuja-Halkola and Yi Lu
Journal: Nature Human Behaviour (2026)
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-026-02607-0







