Ballerina on theater stage

(Credit: Kitreel on Shutterstock)

Study sheds light on highbrow hesitation, which is often believed to be about income or social class.

In A Nutshell

  • Know-how and social ties predict who shows up at museums and opera more than money does.
  • In UK data, cultural knowledge explains the most; in US data, social connections lead.
  • Movies are easy to join; highbrow arts often feel insider-only without background or a buddy.
  • Price cuts help a little. Teaching arts early and building community groups help a lot.

When asked what keeps most Americans from attending the opera or visiting art galleries, the knee-jerk answer is usually about ticket prices. Turns out, that’s only part of the story.

A study examining thousands of people in both the United Kingdom and United States found that knowing about art and having the right social connections matter far more than having money when it comes to participating in highbrow cultural activities. In the British data, cultural factors explained about seven times more of the variance in participation than economic factors, while social factors explained about four times more.

“An individual might be able to afford an opera, but without the cultural knowledge or social context to appreciate it, they may not choose to go or find the experience rewarding,” the researchers write in the Journal of the Association for Consumer Research.

What the Study Measured in the UK and US

The research, led by Joe Gladstone at UC San Diego and Silvia Bellezza at Columbia Business School, drew on data from nearly 7,000 British adults tracked since birth in 1970, plus a separate study of 400 Americans. Participants reported how often they engaged in various cultural activities, from attending theater and visiting historical sites to going to concerts and art exhibitions.

The researchers measured three types of resources based on sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s framework. Economic capital included income, savings, debt, and how well people felt they were managing financially. Cultural capital covered education level, parents’ education, and vocabulary skills. Social capital looked at group memberships, occupational status, and support from family and friends.

In the British cohort, cultural capital proved the strongest predictor, accounting for about 57% of what could be explained about highbrow participation. Social capital came in second at 36%, while economic factors explained less than 8%. Among Americans, social capital took the lead at 60%, with cultural capital at 27% and economic capital at 13%.

Educational background showed particularly strong effects. People who stayed in school longer attended highbrow events much more frequently, even after accounting for income differences. Vocabulary scores told a similar story. Those who scored higher on word knowledge tests were far more likely to be regular museum-goers and concert attendees.

White theatre binoculars on red velvet
It’s not income that’s keeping people from going to the ballet or opera. (Credit: Gen_Shtab on Shutterstock)

Your Network Opens Doors (Sometimes More Than Money)

Social connections mattered too, sometimes even more than knowledge itself. The number of organizations someone belonged to, from book clubs to professional associations, strongly predicted cultural participation. So did having friends or family who could provide career advice or introductions.

Networks act as gatekeepers to exclusive events, while experiencing culture with others amplifies enjoyment through shared discussion. The research also found that these different resources can substitute for each other to some degree. Someone with extensive cultural knowledge but limited income might still participate regularly in highbrow activities. Similarly, strong social networks can help compensate for gaps in formal education or specialized knowledge.

Lowbrow vs. Highbrow: Why Patterns Split

The patterns looked quite different for more accessible entertainment. When the researchers examined lowbrow activities like going to movies, dining at casual restaurants, or visiting theme parks, cultural knowledge and social networks played much smaller roles.

For these popular activities, cultural capital explained only about 1% of participation rates in Britain, compared to 16% for highbrow events. Social capital dropped from 12% for highbrow to under 3% for lowbrow activities. Money mattered about the same either way. Popular activities are designed to be easy to join, requiring fewer specialized skills or insider connections.

Watching a blockbuster movie requires no specialized knowledge and minimal social coordination. Appreciating avant-garde art or experimental theater often requires familiarity with artistic movements, historical context, and conventions of interpretation.

The cross-cultural comparison revealed interesting differences. British cultural participation leaned more heavily on formal education and cultural knowledge, consistent with the UK’s historically class-conscious society where educational credentials carry particular weight.

Americans showed stronger reliance on social networks and connections, fitting with cultural norms that place high value on social mobility and relationship building. In the US, who you know often matters as much as what you know when navigating elite cultural spaces.

This pattern is consistent with differences in how culture gets transmitted. British institutions may emphasize acquiring proper cultural literacy through schooling, while American participation might rely more on social initiation and networking.

What Arts Groups Can Do Beyond Price Cuts

Given these findings, price cuts alone are unlikely to solve the problem of limited cultural participation. Free admission days at museums might help, but they won’t address the bigger barriers that keep many people away. Without basic familiarity with what museums offer or friends to go with, even zero-dollar tickets may not be enough.

The authors argue for looking beyond money and suggest building cultural knowledge and social ties. Policies that build cultural knowledge from early ages, such as incorporating arts education in schools and community centers, could help. Programs that help people develop social connections around cultural interests could also make a difference.

For arts organizations trying to expand their audiences, the study points to the limits of economic targeting. Simply marketing to wealthy zip codes ignores potential attendees who have the knowledge and enthusiasm but perhaps not the highest incomes. Looking at education levels, professional networks, and community involvement might identify better prospects.

Prior work has linked arts engagement with aspects of well-being such as meaning and psychological richness. This study focuses on predictors of participation, showing that building up cultural and social resources opens doors to these experiences.


Paper Summary

Methodology

Researchers analyzed data from two sources. Study 1 used the British Cohort Study 1970, tracking approximately 7,000 individuals from birth to age 42. Participants reported frequency of engagement with 11 cultural activities on a six-point scale ranging from “never” to “at least once a week.” Seven activities were classified as highbrow based on a pretest rating (opera, classical music, ballet, theater, concerts, art galleries, museums, and historical sites), while four were classified as lowbrow (cinema, theme parks, restaurants/pubs, and drinking at pubs/clubs). The highbrow composite showed good reliability (α = .83) while the lowbrow measure was less consistent (α = .58). The researchers measured economic capital through household income, savings, debt, and subjective financial well-being. Cultural capital included educational attainment, parental education, and vocabulary test scores. Social capital covered group memberships, occupational status, and social support from parents and friends/relatives. Study 2 replicated the design with 400 US adults recruited online in 2024, using similar measures adapted to the American context including self-assessed verbal ability. Both studies employed ordinary least squares regression and dominance analysis to assess the relative contribution of each capital form while controlling for demographic variables.

Results

Cultural and social capital showed much stronger associations with highbrow cultural engagement than economic capital in both countries. In the British sample, cultural capital accounted for approximately 57% of explained variance in highbrow participation, social capital for 36%, and economic capital for less than 8%. The American sample showed a different pattern, with social capital explaining 60% of variance, cultural capital 27%, and economic capital 13%. Specific predictors varied between countries. In Britain, educational attainment and vocabulary scores were the strongest individual predictors. In the US, group memberships and occupational status had the largest effects. The three forms of capital showed negative interactions, indicating they can substitute for each other to some degree. For lowbrow cultural activities, the predictive power of cultural and social capital dropped sharply. In Britain, cultural capital explained only 1% of lowbrow participation compared to 16% for highbrow, while social capital dropped from 12% to 3%. Economic capital showed similar modest effects for both activity types.

Limitations

The study’s correlational design prevents definitive causal claims about whether cultural and social capital drive participation or vice versa. The British sample consisted of a single birth cohort (born 1970), limiting generalizability across age groups. The American sample was more highly educated than the general population, with 64.5% holding college degrees compared to lower rates nationally. This compression of educational variance may have reduced the measured importance of cultural capital in the US. Measurement differences between studies included using an objective vocabulary test in Britain versus self-reported verbal ability in the US. The indicators for different capital forms showed some overlap despite attempts to distinguish them. For example, occupational status relates to both social capital and educational attainment. The lowbrow activity measure had lower internal consistency (α = .58) compared to the highbrow measure (α = .83), though Study 2 addressed this with additional items.

Funding and Disclosures

The paper does not report any specific funding sources for this research. The authors declare that both contributed equally to the work. No conflicts of interest are disclosed. The data from the British Cohort Study 1970 is publicly accessible through the UK Data Archive. Analysis code is available on the Open Science Framework at the link provided in the paper.

Publication Details

Gladstone, Joe J., and Silvia Bellezza (2025), “More Than Money: The Relative Importance of Cultural, Social, and Economic Capital for Highbrow Cultural Experiences,” Journal of the Association for Consumer Research, 10(4), 336-354. doi:10.1086/737202

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