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Lost Ticket Versus Lost Cash: Study Finds the Same Money Quirk in 21 Countries
In A Nutshell
- Mental accounting, the habit of treating money differently depending on its mental bucket, showed up in all 21 countries studied.
- It was stronger in richer countries, up to about $50,000 in national income per person, before leveling off.
- A person’s own income, age, schooling, and financial know-how made no clear difference.
- Wealth may not be the cause, and the authors say money tools built on the habit should be tested locally.
Lose a $40 concert ticket, and people become less willing to buy a replacement. Lose $40 in cash instead, and they are more willing to buy the ticket anyway. The math is identical either way, yet the two losses feel different. Behavioral scientists call this mental accounting, the habit of sorting money into mental buckets, like fun money or rent money, even though a dollar is a dollar wherever it came from.
A new study in the Journal of Consumer Research asked whether this idea, about four decades old, still holds up in a world of apps and tap-to-pay. Researchers surveyed 5,589 adults in 21 countries, from the United States and Germany to Egypt, Vietnam, and Morocco, and found the habit in every one. It was not equally strong everywhere. The richer the country, the stronger the habit, at least until national income reached about $50,000 per person. Past that point, it leveled off.
That runs against a natural guess, since people on tight budgets might be expected to guard their money categories more strictly. Yet a person’s own income, schooling, age, and know-how about interest rates and inflation made no clear difference. Their country’s wealth did show a link.
Mental Accounting Held Up in 21 Countries
Researchers recruited adults online, through social media and forums, in the fall of 2022. Countries that dropped out or failed to reach 250 participants were cut, leaving 21 of the 32 first recruited. The final group was 57.1% women, with a median age of 30.
Everyone read seven money scenarios borrowed from classic work by Daniel Kahneman, Amos Tversky, Richard Thaler, and Eldar Shafir, translated into local languages, with dollar amounts adjusted to local incomes. In one, shoppers decided whether driving 20 minutes to save $5 was worth it, depending on whether the discount landed on a cheap item or a pricey one. In another, people judged who would be happier: someone who won $50 and $25 in two separate lotteries, or someone who won $75 in one. Same total, but the theory predicts the split winner feels better. In a third, they named the price they would pay for a cold drink on a hot beach, depending on whether a friend would buy it at a fancy resort or a run-down grocery store.
When data from all countries were combined, all seven patterns held up, matching the direction of the original findings. Checking each scenario in each country, 133 of 147 results, or 90.5%, did too, beating the roughly 70% typical for social science repeat studies. Two scenarios matched in all 21 countries, including one asking people to set a resale price for a sports ticket depending on whether the buyer was a friend or a stranger. The lost-ticket scenario from the opening was shakiest, matching in 15 of 21 countries. The habit was generally weaker than in the original studies, which relied on small samples.
Richer Countries Show Stronger Mental Accounting, Up to a Point
Other national traits, including currency, income inequality, and level of democracy, showed no link once wealth was counted. Still, wealth may not be the cause, and the authors call the finding an early look that needs confirming. Since higher earners within a country were not reliably more prone to the habit, national income may be standing in for something else, such as trust in institutions or how connected a country’s markets are.
Another possibility from the authors: scenarios dreamed up in high-income settings may fit wealthier countries better. They floated an idea before the study began: in lower-income countries even a small discount carries real weight, so shoppers may focus on dollars saved rather than an item’s price. Either way, a weaker habit in lower-income countries does not prove people there handle money more rationally.
Mental Accounting Looks Like Several Habits, Not One
Scenarios did not all rise and fall together. When researchers compared which ones moved in step across countries, three patterns emerged: decisions involving another person versus solo ones, judging someone else’s situation versus making one’s own choice, and setting a price versus reacting to a fixed one. The authors call this their interpretation and say other readings are possible.
Within individuals, a strong result on one scenario said almost nothing about another. A person who fell hard for one money trick was not much more likely to fall for the next.
Money Tools Built on Mental Accounting Need Local Testing
Mental accounting shapes how people treat tax refunds, debt, and savings, and most payments were cash or checks when it was first studied. That it held up anyway reassures programs already built on it and backs new ones, such as banking apps that help customers see their spending. The researchers floated further ideas, like bundling small debts together or highlighting the payoff of paying a little extra each month.
A dollar is still a dollar, yet people in 21 countries keep treating it like several. Money advice built on that habit should be tested locally before it travels, the authors say.
Disclaimer: This article summarizes a published research paper for general informational purposes only. It is not financial, legal, or professional advice, and the findings may not apply to every person or situation. Readers should consult a qualified financial professional before making decisions about their money.
Paper Notes
Limitations
Only seven mental accounting scenarios were tested, so results cannot be assumed to apply to every version of the theory, and untested scenarios may not replicate as consistently. The survey used a within-subjects design, meaning each participant saw all conditions, while some original studies compared separate groups. For the three scenarios originally tested on separate groups (Jacket, Play, and Plane), a supplementary analysis using only the first condition each participant saw replicated all three effects. Participants were recruited through social media and online forums, with student samples and collaborators’ networks added when needed. This convenience sampling, chosen because of budget limits, produced samples of varying representativeness. The national wealth link and the three-dimension structure were both exploratory. The authors caution that wealth should not be read as a cause, since individual income did not show the same pattern and other unmeasured country factors could be involved. Translation and money-amount adjustments may also not have kept the scenarios psychologically equivalent everywhere. The three dimensions describe patterns across countries and do not necessarily operate the same way within individuals.
Funding and Disclosures
No funding sources or competing interests are listed in the paper. The authors thank the JDM Lab at the University of Padova for supporting the project. The study received ethical approval from the Ethical Committee for Psychological Research at the University of Padova and the University Human Research Ethics Committee at Concordia University, and it was pre-registered on the Open Science Framework before data collection. Participants gave informed consent, received no payment, and were debriefed afterward.
Publication Details
Priolo and colleagues’ paper, “The Robustness of Mental Accounting Across 21 Countries,” was published by Oxford University Press in the Journal of Consumer Research as an open-access advance article (ucag022) on July 10, 2026. Shared first authorship belongs to Giulia Priolo (Copenhagen Business School), Federica Stablum (University College London), and Martina Vacondio (University of Trento and Fondazione Bruno Kessler), with Enrico Rubaltelli of the University of Padova supervising and serving as corresponding author. Simone D’Ambrogio (University of Oxford) conducted the statistical analyses, and more than 100 authors contributed in total. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/jcr/ucag022







