Latino woman frustrated over bills, debt, money

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Study Suggests That When Rent Is Due and Healthcare Bills Pile Up, Democratic Principles Take a Back Seat

In A Nutshell

  • This isn’t just an American problem. Economic performance drives democratic satisfaction more than any other factor across France, Hungary, and Italy. Inequality predicts democratic backsliding even in wealthy, established democracies.
  • Economic hardship erodes democratic commitment across party lines. When 623 Americans chose between hypothetical governments, economic insecurity made them less supportive of fair elections, impartial courts, and free speech regardless of political ideology.
  • What people say about democracy differs from what they choose. Self-reported beliefs about democratic values showed weak correlation with actual choices when participants had to trade off between economic security and democratic principles.
  • The 2024 election makes sense through this lens. Trump won voters who said “democracy was threatened” by 5 points, likely because they defined democracy in economic terms while Biden’s campaign emphasized institutional norms.

Forget red versus blue. When it comes to democratic principles, the real dividing line runs between those who can afford groceries and those who can’t. That’s the takeaway of a study out of Northwestern University connecting financial standing to voters’ views about democracy.

Researchers asked 623 Americans to choose their ideal form of government from hypothetical country profiles. Political ideology wasn’t the biggest driver, as it turned out. Instead, one variable proved more important than others: economic well-being. When people faced scenarios where housing costs were crushing and healthcare was unaffordable, their commitment to democratic norms dropped across the political spectrum.

The findings, published in Perspectives on Politics, help explain why Donald Trump won voters who said “democracy was threatened” in 2024, and why President Biden’s warnings about democracy being “on the ballot” fell flat. Americans weren’t rejecting democracy itself. They were making a calculation: abstract principles about constitutional guardrails matter less than concrete struggles to pay bills.

Economic Security Shapes Democratic Values More Than Politics

Researchers Chloe Rose Mortenson and Erik C. Nisbet designed an experiment that moved beyond traditional surveys. They forced participants to make hard choices between competing goods, mixing four attributes of democratic governance: political equality, rule of law, freedom of expression, and economic well-being. Each attribute had three levels: a normative democratic standard, a scenario favoring the participant’s group, or one disadvantaging them.

Participants viewed two country profiles side-by-side and selected which represented their ideal democracy, repeating this choice five times with different combinations. The 623-person sample, recruited in August 2024, matched U.S. demographics on race, age, gender, and education.

Before making choices, participants ranked nine statements about democracy from most to least essential. These covered procedural aspects (like free elections), economic outcomes (like narrowing wealth gaps), and civil liberties (like protecting free speech).

Then came the experiment, which revealed what people actually chose when forced to pick between different democratic features. The gap was clear. Self-reported views about democracy showed weak correlation with actual choices. Statistical measures of internal consistency indicated people don’t hold tightly integrated views about democratic governance.

Democracy highlighted in dictionary
Economic hardship impacts voters’ feelings towards democracy. (© Feng Yu – stock.adobe.com)

Material Circumstances Drive the Real Divide

When economic conditions in a hypothetical country were normative, that is, everyone’s needs met, housing and healthcare affordable, then participants overwhelmingly selected profiles with impartial courts, balanced presidential power, and unbiased media. Introduce economic hardship, and those preferences shifted.

Tests showed that preferences for political equality, rule of law, and freedom of expression all varied based on economic well-being. The researchers couldn’t definitively prove causation, but the evidence pointed in one direction: economic circumstances altered how people evaluated other democratic attributes.

The research team used Bayesian machine learning to estimate individual-level preferences and identify which characteristics drove variation in choices. They created “importance scores” showing how much each demographic or attitudinal variable explained differences. Political ideology didn’t top the list. Age and education showed more explanatory power than self-reported political views.

One finding remained consistent: economic well-being moderated other democratic preferences. Though researchers couldn’t definitively prove causation’s direction, the pattern was clear. Highly liberal-minded people prioritized economic equality in their choices. Meanwhile, economic hardship made people across the political spectrum less committed to liberal protections and procedural fairness.

How Populists Tap Into Economic Anxiety About Democracy

Both progressive and conservative populists have figured this out. Bernie Sanders campaigned on a “21st Century Economic Bill of Rights” that framed healthcare and affordable housing as democratic entitlements, while also defending free speech. Donald Trump’s 2024 platform promised to “make America affordable again” alongside protecting First Amendment rights.

These politicians tap into the same insight: for many Americans, economic security and democratic principles are intertwined. The research found one group where this connection was explicit. Participants who scored in the top 25% on valuing liberal democracy were more likely to reject scenarios where “people like you” were wealthy in favor of profiles where everyone’s needs were met.

For most participants, economic conditions shaped democratic preferences without any philosophical commitment linking the two domains.

The 2024 election provides a real-world test case. Food prices climbed 2.4% between November 2023 and November 2024. Housing costs continued rising. Democratic campaign messaging emphasized institutional threats. Republican messaging focused on inflation and economic anxiety.

NBC’s exit polls found Trump won voters who believed “democracy was threatened” by five percentage points. That apparent contradiction makes sense through this research lens. Those voters likely defined democracy differently than the Democratic campaign assumed, perhaps emphasizing economic opportunity over procedural fairness.

This pattern isn’t unique to the United States. Recent surveys across France, Hungary, and Italy found economic performance was the largest factor in democratic satisfaction. Cross-national research identifies inequality as among the strongest predictors of where and when democratic backsliding occurs.

Past studies show that socioeconomic status influences regime support: those in higher economic positions tend to back the status quo, while those in lower positions often oppose it, even when that status quo is democratic. Economic shocks increase norm violations at the individual level. At the macro level, widening income gaps correlate with democratic erosion.

Traditional Surveys Miss What Really Drives Democratic Support

The study questions how political scientists measure democratic attitudes. Traditional surveys ask whether people support democracy or rank the importance of democratic features. Participants often give answers that sound good, supporting free elections, independent courts, and civil liberties.

These stated preferences may capture social desirability rather than real priorities. When forced to choose between competing goods, people reveal different patterns. Someone can genuinely believe in free elections while still prioritizing economic security when circumstances force trade-offs.

Experiments using conjoint designs address this by presenting multidimensional profiles and forcing choices. The method reveals tensions that open-ended questions miss. The design doesn’t let participants say “everything is important.”

In this study, researchers broke democracy into three components: procedural democracy (fair elections and equal political power), distributive democracy (economic outcomes and meeting basic needs), and liberal democracy (civil liberties and protections). This framework helped explain why “democracy on the ballot” messaging failed. Voters weren’t rejecting democracy as a concept. They were prioritizing distributive aspects over procedural and liberal ones when economic conditions made that choice feel necessary.

Prior research supports this. Studies show Americans are more willing to excuse undemocratic behavior from politicians when policies like healthcare and social spending align with their interests. Experimental work in Finland found citizens will choose issue positions over liberal democratic principles. The pattern appears across established democracies: economic stress tests democratic commitment.

If appeals to abstract democratic values prove ineffective during periods of economic insecurity, political messaging needs to adapt. Campaigns emphasizing institutional integrity may struggle to resonate with voters facing material hardship. Arguments linking democratic governance to economic outcomes might prove more persuasive.

Americans aren’t uniquely hypocritical about democratic values. They’re making rational trade-offs when circumstances force choices. Those trade-offs consistently favor economic security over procedural fairness and civil liberties when the two conflict. Whether that pattern represents pragmatism or a threat to democratic stability depends on your perspective… and probably your bank account.


Paper Notes

Limitations

This research relied on cross-sectional data from August 2024, limiting generalizability to other time periods. The conjoint experiment included only four democratic attributes (political equality, rule of law, freedom of expression, and economic well-being), potentially missing other dimensions like separation of powers or deliberative processes. Self-reported understanding of democracy showed weak internal consistency (Kendall’s W below 0.3873 for all three dimensions), though researchers interpret this as evidence that citizens don’t hold uniformly structured democratic conceptions. The sample of 623 participants provided 92% statistical power for detecting main effects but reduced power for heterogeneity analyses. Results may not transfer to non-democratic contexts where citizens experience governance differently. The experimental design deliberately invoked participants’ group identity, which may have introduced social desirability bias that could make results conservative estimates.

Funding and Disclosures

The paper does not report any specific funding sources or financial disclosures. The research was conducted using standard academic protocols with an opt-in online panel for participant recruitment.

Publication Details

Authors: Chloe Rose Mortenson (Center for Communication & Public Policy, Northwestern University) and Erik C. Nisbet (Owen L. Coon Endowed Professor and Director, Center for Communication & Public Policy, Northwestern University)

Journal: Perspectives on Politics, Volume 55, Article e39 | Article Title: “Benefit Seekers or Principle Holders? Experimental Evidence on Americans’ Democratic Trade-Offs” | DOI: 10.1017/S1537592725104052 | Publication Date: December 19, 2025 | Publication License: Open Access under Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike license (CC BY-SA 4.0) | Data Availability: Replication data available in Harvard Dataverse at DOI: 10.7910/DVN/YPNPMA

The research employed a conjoint experimental design with 623 U.S. participants recruited through quota sampling to match national demographics. Analysis used both frequentist statistics (marginal means and conditional marginal means) and Bayesian machine learning (Bayesian additive regression trees through the cjbart package) to estimate individual-level marginal component effects and identify sources of heterogeneity in democratic preferences.

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1 Comment

  1. fsilber says:

    Biden threatened procedural democracy by ignoring democratically enacted immigration laws. Many Trump voters were concerned about this.

    Biden threatened both procedural democracy and liberal democracy via bypassing the democratic legislative process to unilaterally redefine laws that had been enacted for the protection of females. Many Trump voters were concerned about this.

    Biden’s Party threatened both procedural democracy and liberal democracy when city and state Democrats schemed to deny respect and tolerance for the right to keep and bear arms. Some Trump voters were concerned about this.

    Biden threatened liberal democracy when it embraced Critical Race Theory and DEI, to adopt government policies and encourage corporate policy that judges people by race, national origin, and sexual orientation. Many Trump voters were concerned about this.

    Oh, and the way Biden’s policies inflated the economy, lowered the market value of labor (by vastly increasing the supply), and raised the market value of real estate and, therefore, rent (by vastly increasing the demand) — would fall in your category of assaults on “economic democracy.”