(Photo by Kateryna Hliznitsova on Unsplash)
Political Anger Has a Paradox: More Campaigning, Less Interest in Voting
In A Nutshell
- Among Americans who doubted they could fix what angered them, extreme anger went with more willingness to volunteer, canvass, or post for a candidate.
- The same group was less likely to say they planned to vote.
- Politically confident Americans stayed active and planned to vote no matter how angry they were.
- The 2024 survey of 1,049 adults shows links, not cause.
Americans who were furious about politics and doubted they could do anything about it were more willing to volunteer, canvass, or post for a candidate in the final weeks of the 2024 race, yet less likely to say they planned to vote, according to a new study. The dip in voting plans showed up at the extreme end of anger. Americans who felt politically capable showed little of that pattern, with activism and voting plans staying high no matter how angry they were.
Michigan State University communication researchers examined the pattern through a weekly survey that gathered responses from 1,049 adults. How anger lined up with behavior depended on two things: how intense it was and how much people believed they could accomplish.
Political anger is hardly rare. The paper cites survey research finding that 55% of Americans say they always or often feel angry when thinking about politics, a share that has climbed sharply since the 2016 election. Earlier tests of the Anger Activism Model, a theory of how anger drives political action, happened mostly in controlled laboratory experiments, so this study, published in PLOS One, looked instead at a real and contentious campaign.
Political Anger Ratings From 1,049 Americans Before the 2024 Election
An online survey ran from September 30 through November 25, 2024, with about 200 people answering each week. A survey panel company helped recruit adults who roughly matched the country by race and ethnicity, gender, and political party. After responses from Election Day onward were removed, 1,049 remained, split almost evenly between Democrats (48.4%) and Republicans (46.8%), with 3.2% independents. About 90% said they planned to vote, which left little room to climb.
Participants rated how angry and mad they felt about the election season on a scale from 0 to 100. The average landed near the middle, at about 47. The survey then gauged three kinds of confidence. One was how sure people were that they could do something about whatever was making them angry, and anyone who said nothing could be done got a score of zero. Another was how qualified they felt to take part in politics. The third was whether they believed public officials care what people like them think.
Participants also said how willing they were to take public campaign actions, such as volunteering, canvassing neighborhoods, and posting about a candidate online, and whether they intended to vote. Those were stated plans, not verified actions, and a snapshot survey like this can show links between feelings and plans, not cause.
Extreme Political Anger and Doubt Linked to More Campaigning, Fewer Voting Plans
Among participants who doubted they could do anything about what angered them, willingness to campaign climbed once anger passed the middle of the scale and was strongest at the top. At the highest anger levels (76 to 100), the same participants were less likely to plan to vote, a drop that was larger than among confident participants, whose plans barely moved.
One plausible reading, which the authors raise but did not test, is that angry people who feel powerless decide a single vote will not matter yet still see value in helping their candidate win. Someone convinced the system will not fix the problem might still knock on doors, since that effort feels concrete, while one ballot among millions feels like a drop in the bucket. Voting and campaigning differ in what they demand, including how quickly results show.
Participants who doubted their own political know-how followed a similar pattern, with a caveat. Their willingness to campaign rose at the highest anger levels, a result that held up in the analysis. Their voting plans dipped, but that dip was small enough that chance could not be ruled out. Belief that officials listen to people like them did not meaningfully change any of this, which the authors say hints that confidence in a specific action matters more than general trust in government.
Confident Americans Stayed Engaged Regardless of Political Anger Level
People who felt capable, or who believed a fix was possible, reported high willingness to campaign and near-universal plans to vote, which left little room for anger to add anything. At the other end, people low in both anger and confidence were the least engaged, though their willingness to act rose as anger crept up.
As a practical lesson, the researchers write that “anger needs a ladder.” In their view, campaigns hoping to channel angry supporters should offer concrete, doable steps, such as proof that a tactic works or a plan for getting started, and should avoid stoking maximum anger among people who already feel powerless if turnout is the goal. Without a visible path, they warn, that energy can fade into cynicism or not voting.
Anger alone says little about who will show up at the polls. In this survey, doubt marked the line between Americans whose plans held steady and those more willing to campaign but less sure about voting, and treating every angry supporter alike would miss that gap.
Disclaimer: This article is a news summary of published research and is intended for general informational purposes only. It does not provide professional advice, and the findings may not apply to every individual or situation. Readers should consult the original study for full details.
Paper Notes
Limitations
This was an observational survey, so the results show associations and cannot prove that anger changes behavior; the authors state that causal claims are not warranted. Anger, confidence, and willingness to act were all self-reported, so people may have answered in ways that make them look good. Voting was measured as intention rather than verified turnout, and unsure answers were dropped from the voting analysis. The anger questions referred broadly to the 2024 election season rather than one trigger, so participants may have been angry about different things, and the researchers did not account for how angry a person tends to be in general. The voting pattern among people with low confidence in their own political know-how was not statistically significant. Only legal, nonviolent forms of participation were measured, so the study cannot speak to anger and political violence. The sample came from an online panel matched to national demographics and may differ from the full electorate in ways the study did not measure. Results come from a high-stakes U.S. presidential election and should be applied cautiously to lower-profile elections or other countries. The analysis plan was also not filed in advance, and the authors say replications with advance-filed plans will be essential.
Funding and Disclosures
According to the paper, the authors received no specific funding for this work, and they declared no conflicts of interest with the completion or publication of the manuscript.
Publication Details
Monique Mitchell Turner, Ellen C. Reinhart, Dustin Carnahan, and David M. Markowitz, all of the Department of Communication at Michigan State University in East Lansing, Michigan, wrote the study, titled “From outrage to action: Efficacy moderates the relationship between anger and prosocial political outcomes.” It was published October 14, 2026, in PLOS One, volume 21, issue 10 (e0358939). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0358939. Study data, materials, and analysis code are available on the Open Science Framework at https://osf.io/n4537.







