Lepenski Vir2

The Lepenski Vir (6300–6000 BC) architectural phase, characterized by trapezoidal buildings in which numerous infant burials were placed close to the house walls. Credit: Sabina Cveček

Burials Beneath Homes Were Once Far More Common. Colonialism Helped Change That.

In A Nutshell

  • A new study finds residential burial, laying the dead within or near the home, shows up in 43% of archaeological cases studied, versus just 21% of modern ethnographic records
  • Researchers compared 60 documented cultures against 49 archaeological traditions worldwide and found the gap between the two records to be statistically significant
  • Colonialism and the spread of Christianity appear to have pushed many communities to move burial away from the home and into separate cemeteries
  • Whether a community was nomadic or permanently settled made no meaningful difference in whether it practiced residential burial

For thousands of years, death didn’t always mean leaving home. Across ancient cultures worldwide, people buried their dead beneath house floors, within courtyards, or close to where they lived. Today, the idea of burying a loved one under the kitchen floor sounds alarming. A new study argues that colonialism, religious conversion, and the spread of monotheistic religions may have helped drive a shift away from a burial tradition that was once far more common in the archaeological record than modern ethnographic accounts would suggest.

Researchers compared two cross-cultural datasets, one drawn from ethnographic records and another from the archaeological record, to see how often people buried their dead within or immediately around their homes. The results flipped the usual assumption on its head.

Of 53 ethnographically documented communities with available burial information, only 21% practiced residential burial. Of 42 archaeological cases that could be coded, 43% showed evidence of it, a statistically significant difference. The study appears in the journal American Antiquity.

Small Samples, Big Gap: The Numbers Behind the Study

To conduct the study, the research team compiled two new datasets. The first included 60 ethnographically documented cultures drawn from a curated database called eHRAF World Cultures, pulling from a carefully structured sample of cultural records across 60 regions globally. Each society met strict data quality standards, and 53 of the 60 had usable burial location data. A parallel archaeology database supplied the second dataset, 49 cases drawn from a catalog of known prehistoric traditions worldwide.

One of the study’s original goals was testing whether more permanently settled communities were more likely to bury their dead at home. That hypothesis did not hold up: settlement permanence made no statistically meaningful difference in predicting residential burial in either dataset.

subterranean tomb
The slab-stone roof of a subterranean tomb on residential Terrace 925 at El Palmillo, Santiago Matatlán, Oaxaca, Mexico (ca. 700–850 CE). The image foreground is the surface of a domestic patio with small remnants of white plaster, while the tomb was situated under a room of the house (positioned on the terrace). Note the small carved stone, which was part of the patio banquette in front of the tomb. When in use, the tomb was entered from the patio. Credit: Linda M. Nicholas, Field Museum.

Colonial Law Pushed Burial Away From the Home

What the ethnographic data did reveal was a pattern of change. Colonialism and religious conversion, particularly the spread of Christianity, appear to have contributed to pushing burial practices away from the home and into cemeteries, though the shift began before colonial contact in some regions, the authors note.

One example discussed in the paper involves 19th-century colonial Ghana, where British colonial law was revised six times to mandate the transition from residential burial to community cemeteries. Colonial authorities, according to a source cited in the paper, recognized that people would never agree to sell land containing the remains of their ancestors, making cemeteries a strategy for enabling the transfer of land into private ownership.

Even communities that converted to Christianity sometimes resisted the change. Among the Tikopia people of the Pacific, the anthropologist Raymond Firth observed nearly a century ago that families continued burying their dead inside homes or just outside the eaves even after Christianity arrived. “Even with the coming of Christianity there are few cases of churchyard burial, and cemeteries as such have hardly begun to exist,” Firth wrote in 1936. “This adhesion to the ancient custom is an indication of the strength of kinship sentiment.”

That sentiment, the study suggests, was not unique to Tikopia.

Burial Location Marked Inheritance and Status at Home

Residential burial was never simply about tradition for its own sake. Burying ancestors near the home tied family groups to specific plots of land, established lines of inheritance, and kept the memory of the dead woven into everyday life.

Among the LoWiili people of West Africa, the anthropologist Jack Goody documented in 1962 that grandfathers who had established a home and produced two generations of descendants were buried in the courtyard of their own house rather than in a shared cemetery, anchoring claims to land and social networks through the physical presence of ancestors in the home. Goody described it this way: “it is he who has successfully established that home by producing two generations of descendants, an achievement that is recognized by this distinctive treatment.”

Lepenski Vir
Dr. Sabina Cveček visiting the site of Lepenski Vir in the Danube Gorge in Serbia. Credit: Sabina Cveček

Residential Burial Complicates How Archaeologists Read the Past

For archaeologists, the consequences go beyond burial practices alone. Much of what archaeologists know about ancient life leans on ethnography, watching how modern or recently documented cultures behave and using that as a guide to the past. That only works if there’s a real thread of continuity between then and now. If something as personal as where people bury their dead can be reshaped by colonization and religious conversion, that thread starts to look thinner than expected. The authors suggest twentieth-century ethnographic records may simply be missing a big chunk of how humans have actually treated their dead, and argue archaeology and ethnography should be checking each other’s work rather than one leaning on the other.

Residential burial did decline in some places long before European colonialism arrived. In Neolithic northern Greece it was once common but had faded before the classical period, and burial inside city limits was generally forbidden in ancient Athens. Colonial contact was not the only force at work, but the study’s data suggest it accelerated a broader shift affecting one of humanity’s oldest traditions.

Far more often in the past than the modern ethnographic record suggests, home included the dead as well as the living.


Paper Notes

Limitations

The study’s authors acknowledge several important limitations. The datasets, while drawn from structured random samples, are relatively small: 53 ethnographic cases with available burial data and 42 archaeological cases. The authors note that the difference in residential burial frequency between the two records could theoretically reflect systematic biases in how each discipline collects data, though they argue against this explanation, pointing out that ethnographers spending extended time in a community would be unlikely to miss burial events. They also acknowledge that shifts away from residential burial predated colonialism and monotheistic religions in some regions, meaning the colonial explanation does not account for the full historical picture. The authors identify the relationship between residential permanence and residential burial as something that warrants further study with larger samples, particularly across specific time periods and regions. A follow-up study examining the link between kinship organization and residential burial is also identified as a future research direction.

Funding and Disclosures

Sabina Cveček’s research was supported by the European Union under Marie Skłodowska-Curie Action [101108084], titled “X-KIN: Exploring Patterns of Prehistoric Kinship from Socio-Cultural Anthropological Perspectives.” Access to the eHRAF World Cultures and eHRAF Archaeology databases was supported through the Field Museum of Natural History. The 2021 Summer Institute for Cross-Cultural Anthropological Research at Yale University, which provided training relevant to this work, was supported by the National Science Foundation through the Human Relations Area Files (BCS#2020156). The authors declare no competing interests. DeepL assisted with the translation of the Spanish abstract.

Publication Details

Authors: Sabina Cveček, Timothy Earle, Carol R. Ember, Gary M. Feinman, and William A. Parkinson | Affiliations: Negaunee Integrative Research Center, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, IL; Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, Austria; Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois at Chicago; Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History, New York, NY; Department of Anthropology, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL; Human Relations Area Files, Yale University, New Haven, CT | Journal: American Antiquity | Paper Title: “Funerary Placement in the Past and Present: Uses of Ethnographic Analogy for Archaeological Interpretation” | DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2026.10208 | Published: 2026, Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for American Archaeology. Open Access under Creative Commons Attribution license (CC BY 4.0).


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